Rebel Boycott as Ayatollah Ali Khamenei Endorses Ahmadinejad Re-election
TIMES ONLINE: Iran’s supreme leader has formally endorsed President Ahmadinejad for a second term amid a boycott by leading opposition figures.

State television broadcast images of the ceremony today with Ayatollah Ali Khamenei giving the President his seal of approval.

The country’s opposition leaders and moderates boycotted the gathering in protest over the election they claim was fraudulent.

State media reported that the former presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami as well as the defeated pro-reform candidates Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mahdi Karroubi did not attend.

On Wednesday the President will take the oath of office before Iran’s parliament. Seven weeks after the election, however, the regime is still battling to crush the resistance of millions of Iranians who believe that the poll was rigged.

A new wave of protests linked is gathering over the “show trial” of more than 100 opposition figures detained in the crackdown that followed the ballot.

On Saturday, in an apparent effort to deter further protests, Iran put scores of opponents on trial in Tehran’s Revolutionary Court, accusing them of conspiring with foreign powers to stage a revolution. Yesterday it added ten more defendants. >>> Martin Fletcher | Monday, August 03, 2009

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad Rounds on Conservatives in Bitter Feud
TIMES ONLINE: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iran’s discredited President, spoke out against critics among his own hardline colleagues today as his authority was further eroded by bitter feuding.

The day after violent protests returned to the streets of Tehran, the President was forced to defend himself not from the pro-reformist opposition but against his former allies.

Conservatives have cast doubt on Mr Ahmadinejad’s loyalty to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei after a dispute over his vice presidential appointment two weeks ago.

He responded robustly today during a speech in the north-eastern city of Mashhad, which was broadcast on state television.

“Some in recent days have portrayed the relationship between the leader and the administration as in doubt. They tried to imply distance and rift,” he said.

“What they do not understand is that the relationship between us and the Supreme Leader goes beyond politics and administration. It is based on kindness, on ideology, it is like that of a father and son.”

He claimed the attempts by “ill-wishers” would yield no results, adding “this path will be shut in the face of devils”. >>> Nico Hines | Friday, July 31, 2009

The Swan Song of the Islamic Republic
THE HUFFINGTON POST: Whatever happens from this point on, nothing will ever be the same in Tehran.

Whatever happens, if the protest gains momentum or loses steam, if it ends up prevailing or if the regime succeeds in terrorizing it, he who should now only be called president-non-elect Ahmadinejad will only be an ersatz, illegitimate, weakened president.

Whatever happens, whatever the result of this crisis provoked two weeks ago by the enormity of a fraud that serious-minded people can no longer doubt, no Iranian leader can appear on the global scene, or in any negotiation with Obama, Sarkozy, or Merkel, without being haloed, not by the nimbus of light dreamed of by Ahmadinejad in his 2005 speech to the United Nations, but by the cloud of sulphur that crowns cheaters and butchers.

Whatever happens, the Ayatollah Khamenei, Khomeini's successor and Supreme Leader of the regime, tutelary authority of the President, father of the people, will have lost his role as arbiter, will have shamelessly sided with one faction over the others, and will have therefore lost what remained of his authority: "Only God knows my vote," he carefully replied four years ago to those who were already calling upon him to denounce the fraud--"in the name of merciful God, I armor, I hammer, and I dissolve the people," he has responded this time to the naïve who believed he was there to uphold the Constitution.

Whatever happens, the block of ayatollahs who had always succeeded in maintaining a united front, whatever their differences and divergent interests, will have put their ferocious divisions on display: the ones behind Khamenei, approving of the decision to crush the movement with blood; the others, like the ex-President Rafsanjani, leader of the very powerful Assembly of Experts, warning that if the wave of protests were not taken seriously, veritable "volcanoes" of anger would erupt. Others still like the Grand Ayatollah Montazeri who, since his house arrest in Qom, has been calling for a recount and for national mourning for the victims of the repression; and without mentioning the leading religious experts of the "Office of Theological Seminaries" who no longer fear proposing the possibility--what passed for heresy not long ago--of Khamenei's resignation and of his replacement by a "Guidance Council."

Whatever happens, and beyond these internal conflicts, the people will be dissociated from an anemic and fatally wounded regime. >>> Bernard-Henri Lévy, French philosopher and writer | Monday, June 22, 2009

Translated from French by Sara Phenix.

Khamenei and the Politics of Denial
THE GUARDIAN: In his address at Friday prayers in Tehran the Supreme Leader offered no new initiatives and no path through the maze

It was billed as the speech of his life. But in many ways Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's address at Friday prayers in Tehran was disappointingly similar to speeches and sermons he has given in the past: pious, defensive, blinkered and fiercely scathing about real or imagined western "enemies" of the Islamic Republic.

Those hoping the Supreme Leader would produce a plan for a way out of the tumultuous political stand-off that has gripped Iran since last Friday's disputed presidential poll were disappointed. Khamenei offered no new initiatives, no explicit offers of compromise, no path through the maze.

Worse, he appeared to show little understanding of the depth of the crisis that he and his protege, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, have helped provoke with what looked to many Iranians like a pre-emptive strike last weekend to claim victory before the votes were fully counted.

It was a five-star performance in the politics of denial. And it's tempting to conclude: Khamenei just doesn't get it.

It could have been worse. Even as he told Iranians that street demonstrations and mass protests could not be allowed to continue, Khamenei conceded that genuine differences of political opinion were "natural". Even as he argued that vote-rigging was unthinkable in Iran, he admitted the country had problems with corruption that must be addressed. In a small way, these were concessions to the popular mood.

Although Khamenei appeared to threaten the reformist leader, Mir Hossein Mousavi, and other aggrieved presidential candidates with punitive action should their "illegal" protests continue, Khamenei did not make any explicit threat. Instead he said it was their responsibility to avoid possibly unpleasant outcomes.

Doubts concerning the election results must be investigated through legal channels, he said. Those who ignored this advice "will be responsible for [the] consequences of any chaos ... Arm wrestling in the street must stop. I want everyone to put an end to this."

Considering that Khamenei is the highest unifying authority in a country divided and badly wounded, his failure to offer an apology, or to commiserate with, the family and friends of the at least eight people killed by security forces and militias in the last week was striking. >>> Simon Tisdall | Friday, June 19, 2009

Khamenei Tells Mousavi to Toe the Line over Election or Be Cast Out
TIMES ONLINE: The moderate Iranian leader who says that he was robbed of victory in last week’s presidential election faces a fateful choice today: support the regime or be cast out.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s Supreme Leader, has told Mir Hossein Mousavi to stand beside him as he uses Friday prayers at Tehran University to call for national unity. An army of Basiji — Islamic volunteer militiamen — is also expected to be bussed in to support the Supreme Leader.

The demand was made at a meeting this week with representatives of all three candidates who claim that the poll was rigged, and it puts Mr Mousavi on the spot. He has become the figurehead of a popular movement that is mounting huge demonstrations daily against the “theft” of last Friday’s election by President Ahmadinejad, the ayatollah’s protégé.

Mr Mousavi, 67, is a creature of the political Establishment — a former revolutionary and prime minister who would like to liberalise Iranian politics but has never challenged the system in the way his followers are doing. It was unclear last night what he would do or even whether the protests would die away if he backed down. Yesterday tens of thousands of demonstrators packed into the Imam Khomeini Square in Tehran — named after the founder of the Islamic Republic — for another massive rally, this one to mourn protesters killed in Monday’s clashes with pro-government militias. >>> Ella Flaye in Tehran, Catherine Philp and Martin Fletcher | Friday, June 19, 2009

A Lesson from History for Iranian Ideologues Stuck in the Middle Ages
TIMES ONLINE: Beware the end of the decade in Iran. In 1979 it was the Shah who succumbed to the protests and was driven from power. In 1989 it was Ayatollah Khomeini, the father of the Islamic revolution, who died after a long illness. In 2009 his successor is fighting to save the regime from its gravest challenge since Saddam Hussein’s tanks crossed the frontier in 1980.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s Supreme Leader, spent years in the Shah’s prisons, had his right arm paralysed by a bomb and has led Iran through many crises over the past two decades. But tomorrow, when he mounts the steps to the small stage at Tehran University to deliver the sermon at weekly prayers, he faces the toughest test of his almost 70 years.

If it was the “Great Satan”, as America is known, or even the “Little Satan”, as Britain is named, who were behind the challenge, then the regime would know how to protect itself. The Revolutionary Guards would be deployed along the borders, the Basij, a volunteer force, would patrol the streets. Instead, the challenge comes from within and from people that the Supreme Leader barely has contact with, using unfamiliar weapons — tweets, blogs, satellite television and text messages — that undermine him in ways he cannot imagine.

Two thirds of Iranians are under 30, meaning that they have no direct experience of the Revolution and [a] only passing knowledge of the Iran-Iraq war, which did more than anything to shape the modern country. What they have experienced is a life of missed opportunities caused by an aging clerical leadership, massive corruption and a regime that is increasingly dictatorial.

The mullahs once rigidly controlled access to information but their grasp has slipped. One third of Iranians have internet access. There are satellite dishes on every apartment block in Tehran, even though they are banned. Music channels beam in from California to show young Iranians how other young Iranians live half a world away.

The rulers may be living in the Middle Ages but their children and grandchildren are wired to the 21st century. >>> Richard Beeston, Foreign Editor | Thursday, June 18, 2009