We Fight On. We Fight to Win!
THE TELEGRAPH: YouTube, Facebook and other websites have brought down a virtual wall between Iran and the West, writes Leyla Ferani.

Iranian supporters of presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi attend a protest. Photo: The Telegraph
Earlier this year I spent a month living in Tehran. I’m a 21 year-old British-Iranian from London, and it was my first time back to the Islamic Republic since my twelfth birthday. By day, I dutifully donned a shawl and an overcoat, in public playing the part – like all Iranian girls my age – of the respectful and obedient woman.

But at night, and in private, the shawls were off. The same girls – with their brothers and cousins – joined me in underground raves, fuelled by smuggled alcohol and copious amounts of cannabis. Among the city’s youth, the elections hardly entered conversation. When I asked Mazyiar, a twenty-six year-old, if he would vote, he shrugged, saying, “All the candidates are approved by the Ayatollah, what’s the point?”

In the space of two months, all that has changed. “Where is my vote?”, thousands of young Iranians are chanting in the streets and posting on their supposedly banned Facebook profiles. One look at my own feed tells me how cheated the young people of Iran feel, now that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has been re-elected for another four years. “Shout out on the street: ‘Death to the dictator’”, one status tells me, adding cautiously , “but remember not to protest in groups, you must stay dispersed.” Another one says simply, “Supporters of Mousavi protest from Vali-Aser square to Tajrish wearing green cloth”.

All the young Iranians who told me they wouldn’t vote surged behind Mir-Hossein Mousavi; maybe they saw him as the lesser of two evils, the only candidate able to oust the hardliner. One thing is certain: for young middle class Iranians the strained veneer of the Islamist regime is crumbling. They are sick of leading double lives, and having a President they consider to be a global embarrassment.

“I have a good life, I party harder than you guys do”, a twenty-four year old student told me at a party in downtown Tehran, just managing to lift his voice above the music (the lyrics ‘I wanna make love’ blared out). He went on, with typical Persian hyperbole: “I feel a heaviness in my heart, because I know that I’m not living the way I want to.” Judging by the events of the last few days, this heaviness has turned to anger, as young Iranians battled with riot police in the streets, setting fire to cars and fleeing the stun grenades.

If it ever happens, young Iranians believe they will be the ones to dismantle Iran’s Islamist regime. There is some irony in this – after all, a generation ago it was the students who began the 1979 revolution. That year, on November 4, a fresh-faced Ahmadinejad was among those who stormed the US embassy, beginning the Iran hostage crisis.

Those events confirmed fears that the newly formed Islamic republic was to be a pariah to the West. Yet it was only around 500 students who volunteered to be the vessel for the 1979 change. Now in Islamic garb, they are running the country. But is their time running out?

The recent protests have a new dimension: they were organised – and publicised – online. Iranians intent on change are using Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and other blogging sites as a loudspeaker to amplify their anger towards the regime. Iran can no longer suppress its youth >>> Leyla Ferani | Monday, June 15, 2009

Tens of Thousands Defy Ban to March in Tehran in Support of Mousavi
TIMES ONLINE: Tens of thousands of Iranians defied a ban to protest against last week’s hotly-disputed presidential election result as the authorities struggled to contain anger amongst the reformist opposition.

Chanting crowds, some wearing green campaign colours, greeted Mir Hossein Mousavi, the defeated candidate in Friday's poll, as he slowly moved through the streets on the back of a four-wheel drive car.

Scufflles broke out as supporters of Mr Ahmadinejad, riding motorbikes and armed with sticks, attacked the demonstrators along the route.

"The vote of the people is more important than Mousavi or any other person!" said Mr Mousavi, standing on the car roof in Revolution Square and speaking through a loudhailer.

The crowds of young and old who packed several kilometres of his route, shouted back: "Mousavi we support you! We will die but retrieve our votes!" >>> Jenny Booth | Monday, June 15, 2009

Watch BBC video: Thousands of Mir Hossein Mousavi supporters protest in Tehran >>>

REUTERS: Tens of Thousands in Iran Protest

Tehran Is Running Scared of the Uncontrollable Forces of Freedom
TIMES ONLINE: The surge of revolt threatened to become a tidal wave. So the Islamic republic responded with ‘a coup against the coup[’]

Iran seldom admits the international media. It makes an exception at election times because it wants the world to see the Islamic republic's glorious democracy in action. Thus some 400 foreign journalists and television crews were given ten-day visas to cover Friday's presidential election, and for a week we really did see a vibrant and impressive democratic process.

Admittedly the four candidates were handpicked by the regime, but they ranged from the liberal to ultra-conservative, offered starkly contrasting visions for the future and engaged in remarkably outspoken TV debates. The people responded. Armies of supporters took over the streets, festooned every square with posters and banners and, on election day itself, flocked to the polling stations in numbers that shamed most Western democracies.

The charade ended abruptly on Friday night. Scarcely had polling ended than Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's cronies in the Interior Ministry and Elections Commission declared him the winner. They gave him not a razor-thin victory, which might just have been credible - the President did have legions of diehard supporters among the pious and rural poor. They gave him nearly two thirds of the vote, a figure that defied belief and raised two unmistakable fingers to the Iranian people and the world. They claimed that the main challenger, Mir Hossein Mousavi, lost heavily even in his own village. The number of votes allegedly cast for Mr Ahmadinejad, 24.5 million, was probably chosen so that he could claim to have more support than any president in the republic's 30-year history. The previous high was just over 20 million, cast for the reformist Mohammad Khatami in 1997.

The crackdown began instantly. Mobile phone and text messaging systems were taken down so the opposition could not organise. Opposition websites and international news services were blocked. Baton-wielding security forces flooded on to the streets. Overnight the festive atmosphere turned to fear, exuberance to terror, as the regime showed how evil it is.

All weekend protests were ruthlessly suppressed. Demonstrators were beaten. Foreign journalists, including a reporter and photographer from The Times, were detained. Leading reformists were arrested. Iran's “Prague Spring”, its “Velvet Revolution”, was crushed with Soviet-style ruthlessness by a regime practised in silencing dissent. Mr Ahmadinejad, the self-styled man of the people and champion of the oppressed, unleashed the full force of the state machinery on his own population. Meanwhile, congratulations poured in from... well, Syria and Venezuela.

Why the volte-face? Why did the regime open the door a crack, only to slam it shut so violently? Almost certainly because it was appalled by what it saw on the other side. >>> Martin Fletcher | Monday, June 15, 2009

Election Clashes Erupt in Iran

Opinion: Mousavi Bad for Israel
YNET NEWS: A reformist win in Iranian elections will bring Tehran closer to bomb

Many people will breathe a sigh of relief should Mir-Hossein Mousavi be elected as Iran’s president. The question is whether a Mousavi victory and Ahmadinejad defeat will indeed serve Israel’s strategic interests, and the answer is probably ‘no.’

The election victory of reformist candidate Muhammad Khatami in 1997 and again in 2001 took Iran out of isolation, opened doors that were previously closed, and in fact extended the life of the Islamic regime.

In the face of Khatami’s smiles and promising slogans in respect to civil society, the rule of law, and intercultural dialogue, Israel’s warnings that we were dealing with more of the same appeared delusional. By winning the elections, and throughout his presidential term, Khatami managed to a large extent to neutralize the explosive domestic element and blur external criticism.

Only after the radical Ahmadinejad’s victory in 2005, and paritcuarly [sic] in wake of his venomous statements against the State of Israel and his prominent Holocaust denial, the Western world starting seeing Iran in the light Israeli leaders hoped for. This prompted Western states to gradually intensify the moves they were willing to adopt against Iran, including countries such as France and Germany, which until then refrained from adopting a harsh approach vis-à-vis the Islamic regime in Tehran. >>> Soli Shahvar | Friday, June 12, 2009

The writer heads the Ezri Center for Iran and Persian Gulf Studies at University of Haifa.

HAARETZ: Analysis: U.S. to Face a Bolder, More Confident Ahmadinejad

According to reports emerging from Iran's election supervisory agencies, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad garnered at least twice the number of votes compared to that of his main rival, Mir Hossein Mousavi.

Even when factoring in the number of forgeries, irregularities, disturbances, and threats against voters, this statistic is testament not only to the potency of the conservative camp but also the political acumen of Ahmadinejad.

Ahmadinejad's landslide victory (barring any surprises in the counting of the remaining votes) is not expected to change Iran's policy vis-a-vis its nuclear program nor will it impact Tehran's developing ties with the United States.

On these two matters, final say is not in the hands of the president but rather the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei. Even Iran's support for Hamas, Hezbollah, and Syria is determined by numerous figures, among which Ahmadinejad is just one among equals.

Nonetheless, the U.S. - which took great pains in not declaring its support for any of the candidates and even declared its intention to hold a dialogue with Iran prior to the elections - is now likely to face a more rigid, self-confident Iranian interlocutor, a leader who feels no need to rally public opinion to his side given the fact that he is legally unable to run for a third term as president in Iran. >>> By Zvi Bar'el, Haaretz Correspondent | Saturday, June 13, 2009

THE JERUSALEM POST: Hamas Hails Ahmadinejad's Victory, Urges World to Change Policy

Prominent Hamas spokesman Fawzi Barhoum on Saturday said that the Iranian election results were proof of Teheran's success in protecting the Iranian people's interests and meeting all the challenges facing the nation, Israel Radio reported.

Barhoum said that in light of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's reelection, the international community must change its policy towards Iran. [Source: JPost.com] JPost staff | Saturday, June 13, 2009